Fascism with a Swedish face

A secret admirer

“Det nödvändiga greppet” is a book only available in Swedish. It contains articles written by Per Engdahl 1968-92. Engdahl (who died in 1994 at the ripe old age of 85) was the leader of a small but surprisingly well-known fascist group, Nysvenska Rörelsen (New Swedish Movement, or perhaps Neo-Swedish Movement). A few years ago, it was revealed that famous Swedish businessman and IKEA founder Ingvar Kamprad had been a member of Engdahl's movement during World War II. Otherwise, it seems that Nysvenska Rörelsen has been quietly forgotten. During the 1970's and 1980's, by contrast, they were occasionally still mentioned in the media, sometimes as bogeys, sometimes with a very grudging respect. Engdahl had some kind of intellectual reputation, in contrast to virtually all other Swedish fascists. Apparently, the New Swedish Movement still exists, but probably mostly on the web.

All articles by Engdahl in this collection have previously been published as editorials in Vägen Framåt, the magazine of the New Swedes. I've read about half of them. While Engdahl does say interesting things now and then, his articles strike me as respectable “fronts” for a very different and much less respectable message. Occasionally, the real deal shines through, as when Engdahl admits that his movement supported the Axis during the war, denounces the “war crimes” of the Allies, and supports the Greek colonels, apartheid in South Africa and Portuguese colonialism in Mozambique (Portugal was ruled by right-wing strongman Salazar, often considered fascist). The Salò republic of Mussolini (i.e. Duce at his very worst) and Peron's Argentina are mentioned as interesting models, and the Italian fascist party MSI is mentioned with respect. On one point, Engdahl doesn't dissimulate: he constantly attacks democracy and egalitarianism in favor of “corporatism”. His three watchwords are “Corporatism”, “Co-Nationalism” and “New Humanism”. Engdahl's “front” message sounds similar to Distributism, and also incorporates Green themes.

Engdahl believes that Sweden and other Western democracies are threatened by something he dubs “technocracy”. Soviet Communism has already reached this new form of society, where intellectuals and planners become the new upper class. Judging by context, Engdahl's term “technocracy” really means “state bureaucracy” – he doesn't seem to mind technical experts per se. Thus, “technocracy” is what Hilaire Belloc called “the servile state”. Engdahl criticizes mass consumerism, the anomie and alienation of modern life, and the rapidly progressing destruction of the environment. He mentions the energy crisis and peak oil, and is skeptical towards nuclear power. Engdahl is opposed to class struggle, and believes that democracy (after the introduction of universal suffrage) becomes another arena for the confrontation between proletariat and bourgeoisie, until the state bureaucracy steps in and “solves” the problem from above. The pro-ecologist articles are explicitly anti-democratic, Engdahl arguing that the future energy crises and economic down-turns will make national unity and “corporatism” of primary importance.

In his earlier editorials, Engdahl is positive towards the “new left”, not because he likes their political positions (he calls them “Maoists and Double Maoists”), but because he sees them as a necessary reaction against the boring and stifling conformism of Swedish society. In later articles, Engdahl seems to change his mind and starts attacking “Communist infiltration”. He calls for unity between the Social Democrats and the right-wing parties against the Communists. My guess is that the Communist victory in Indochina and Nixon's resignation seriously worried him. Otherwise, Engdahl is equally critical of both the United States and the Soviet Union, instead calling for a united Europe independent from both, a Europe based on “co-nationalism”, the mutual respect and cooperation of different nationalist regimes. He attacks capitalism, state socialism and Social Democratic mixed economy. At the same time, Engdahl is surprisingly positive (or pretends to be so) towards Per Albin Hansson and Tage Erlander, the two longest-serving Social Democratic prime ministers in Swedish history. Perhaps he saw them as budding strongmen? He must have liked Per Albin's neutrality and government of national unity (with the reds excluded) during World War II…

The “New Swedish” solution to democracy-technocracy-Communism is much less clear. There is a constant tension in the editorials between centralism and decentralization. On the one hand, Engdahl takes great pride in Swedish banking, industry, science and economic growth. He also calls for a directly elected prime minister (in reality, a kind of president á la Charles De Gaulle). On the other hand, “corporatism” implies the creation of guild-like structures and cooperatives in between the citizens and the state, creating a decentralist pressure on the state from below, perhaps even something of a chaos. It's also difficult to square the insistence on a united Europe challenging the two superpowers with the Green-decentralist insistence on handicrafts, opposition to nuclear power, etc. Often, Engdahl uses the term “corporatism” as a kind of solve-it-all mantra, without ever explaining what this corporatism is supposed to *be*. Perhaps Engdahl has something very Swedish in mind? He is fascinated by the fact that throughout Swedish history, strong kings were often on the side of the yeoman peasantry, while opposing the aristocracy and too strong merchant interests. The (admittedly interesting) combination of a strong royal power and local self-government appeals to him, but perhaps for all the wrong reasons!

“Det nödvändiga greppet” will probably not reach a very wide audience, both because of the language barrier and because the author is long forgotten. However, the book could be used as a handy reference by Swedish historians studying fascism and the far right. I therefore give it three stars.

This is fascism with a Swedish face.