Showing posts with label Bulgaria. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Bulgaria. Show all posts

Sunday, May 17, 2026

Welcome to the riot

 


This is the winner in this year´s Eurovision Song Contest (ESC): "Bangaranga" featuring Dara. It´s a crazy pop song and dance act, perhaps inspired by Ukrainian singer Ruslana´s old classic "Wild Dances". 

It´s also surprisingly pretentious for a pop song. The nonsense title is supposedly a Jamaican slang word for rebellion or disturbance. The live performance begins as a weird group therapy session (!) and ends in a riot (?) as the singer affirms her inner strength. 

"Bangaranga" is also inspired by the kukeri, groups of Bulgarian men in strange costumes who scare away evil spirits by dancing and making noises. Presumably, Dara and her dance troupe are trying to exorcize their own inner demons. OK, I admit that it may work better than traditional psychoanalysis, LOL.

Welcome to the world´s strangest riot. Twelve points!  

Sunday, June 15, 2025

The new Troubles

 


An interesting video c/o Edward Dutton about the recent riots in Northern Ireland. From a "pro-Unionist" perspective, since you want to know. The short story is that Gypsies from the Balkans have settled deep inside a staunchly Loyalist area. You do the math...

These are the new Troubles. 

Thursday, June 5, 2025

Baba Vanga´s church

 

Baba Vanga´s church in Rupite, Bulgaria
Credit: Todor Bozhinov / Martyr


OK, I promise not to say anything more about "Baba Vanga" after this, LOL.

Was Baba Vanga Orthodox? Did she have the endorsement of the Bulgarian Orthodox Church?

Baba Vanga considered herself a devout Eastern Orthodox Christian, but her relationship with the Bulgarian Orthodox Church was complex and, at times, strained.


1. Baba Vanga’s Personal Faith

  • Baba Vanga openly identified as Orthodox Christian and often invoked Christian symbols, language, and themes in her speech.

  • She kept icons, prayed regularly, and spoke about God, Jesus Christ, angels, and saints in her messages.

  • Many of her visitors regarded her as a spiritually gifted woman operating within a Christian worldview, not outside it.


⚠️ 2. Church Skepticism and Caution

  • The Bulgarian Orthodox Church never officially endorsed Baba Vanga.

  • Clergy were often suspicious of her prophetic claims, viewing her as engaging in clairvoyance, spiritualism, or occultism, which the Church traditionally rejects.

  • Some high-ranking church figures labeled her activities as unorthodox or even demonic, warning the faithful not to confuse her visions with Christian prophecy.


🏛️ 3. Popular Devotion vs. Ecclesiastical Authority

  • Despite the Church's reluctance, many Orthodox believers revered Baba Vanga, even considering her a saint-like figure.

  • Her funeral in 1996 was conducted by Orthodox clergy and attended by thousands, reflecting her popularity among the faithful.

  • She requested to be buried near the St. Petka Church in Rupite, a church she funded and helped build. This church still functions and is visited by pilgrims today, though its legitimacy within the Church hierarchy has been questioned due to her non-canonical role in its establishment.


🧩 4. Summary

AspectBaba VangaBulgarian Orthodox Church
Personal identityOrthodox ChristianRegarded her cautiously
Theological endorsementUsed Christian symbols and conceptsNo official recognition or support
Relationship with clergyMixed: some sympathetic, some criticalGenerally skeptical or disapproving
Popular perceptionSeen as spiritually gifted, saint-likeConcerned about confusion with occult

Conclusion

Baba Vanga was Orthodox by faith, but the Bulgarian Orthodox Church did not endorse her. While loved by many lay believers, Church authorities largely distanced themselves from her prophetic and mystical claims, emphasizing caution over veneration.

Can you tell me more about the St Petka Church in Rupite?

Certainly. The St. Petka Church in Rupite, Bulgaria, is a highly symbolic and unique site, primarily because of its association with Baba Vanga, the famous Bulgarian mystic. Here’s a detailed overview of the church and its significance:


🕍 1. Overview of the Church

  • Name: Church of St. Petka of Bulgaria (Църква „Света Петка Българска“)

  • Location: Rupite, a small village in southwestern Bulgaria near the town of Petrich, close to the Greek border.

  • Built: 1992–1994, during Baba Vanga’s lifetime.

  • Founded by: Baba Vanga, who funded and oversaw its construction.

  • Architecture: Unusual for Orthodox churches—it has modern design features and bright, striking iconography.


👤 2. Baba Vanga’s Role

  • Personal Vision: Baba Vanga claimed she had spiritual visions directing her to build the church in Rupite, near thermal springs and volcanic hills she believed to be energetically significant.

  • Funding & Oversight: She personally financed the construction with donations from visitors and followers.

  • Burial Site: After her death in 1996, Baba Vanga was buried behind the church, making it a site of pilgrimage for many who revere her.


🎨 3. Iconography and Controversy

  • The interior frescoes and icons are not traditional by Orthodox standards.

  • Painted by Svetlin Rusev, a renowned Bulgarian artist, the icons are modernist, with realistic and emotionally intense expressions, and sometimes depict contemporary faces, including rumored likenesses of Vanga herself.

  • This sparked controversy among Orthodox clergy, who criticized the iconography as uncanonical and inappropriate for liturgical use.


🛐 4. Religious Status

  • Although it functions as a church and Orthodox services are held, the Bulgarian Orthodox Church did not officially consecrate it in the traditional sense at first.

  • Its status remains ambiguous—not fully rejected, but not fully embraced.

  • Many pilgrims and spiritual seekers visit the church not only for religious worship but also to honor Baba Vanga’s memory and seek spiritual healing or insight.


🌋 5. The Setting in Rupite

  • Rupite is a geologically unique area, with volcanic rock formations, hot mineral springs, and lush vegetation.

  • Baba Vanga believed this land had strong spiritual energy and that St. Petka, a 11th-century Orthodox saint, had once lived nearby in spiritual retreat.

  • The natural beauty and tranquil setting attract both religious pilgrims and tourists.


📸 6. Visiting the Church Today

  • The site is open to the public and includes:

    • The church itself

    • Baba Vanga’s grave

    • A small museum or visitor center with exhibits about her life

    • Peaceful gardens and thermal spring surroundings


🧭 Summary

FeatureDescription
Founded byBaba Vanga in the early 1990s
Religious affiliationOrthodox Christian (ambiguous official status)
Dedicated toSt. Petka of Bulgaria
Distinctive traitsModern art, controversial iconography, mystic aura
Spiritual significancePilgrimage site associated with Baba Vanga’s visions and burial

🔔 Final Note

The St. Petka Church in Rupite remains a powerful symbol of Bulgaria’s spiritual pluralism—a meeting place of folk mysticism, Orthodoxy, and modern spiritual seeking, rooted in the life and legacy of one of the country's most enigmatic figures.

Who is Svetlin Rusev?

Svetlin Rusev (Bulgarian: Светлин Русев; 14 June 1933 – 26 May 2018) was a prominent Bulgarian painter, art collector, and public figure. Born in the village of Varbitsa, Pleven Province, he graduated in painting from the National Academy of Arts in Sofia in 1959 under Professor Dechko Uzunov. Rusev's artistic career was marked by a distinctive style that combined expressive realism with spiritual and philosophical themes.de.wikipedia.org+3en.wikipedia.org+3artpapillon.com+3en.wikipedia.org+5artpapillon.com+5gallery-city.com+5

Beyond his artistic endeavors, Rusev held significant positions in Bulgaria's cultural and political spheres. He served as Chairman of the Union of Bulgarian Artists from 1973 to 1985 and was Director of the National Art Gallery between 1985 and 1988. He was also a member of the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences and participated in the country's political life as a member of parliament.de.wikipedia.org+3gallerix.org+3gallery-city.com+3

Rusev was a passionate art collector, and in 1984, he donated over 400 works of Bulgarian and international art to the city of Pleven, leading to the establishment of the Svetlin Rusev Donative Exhibition. This permanent exhibition is housed in a historic building and showcases works by renowned artists such as Pablo Picasso, Francisco Goya, and Salvador Dalí, alongside Bulgarian masters. en.wikipedia.org+1en.wikipedia.org+1

One of Rusev's notable contributions was his work on the Church of St. Petka in Rupite, commissioned by the mystic Baba Vanga. He created the church's iconography, which stirred controversy due to its modernist style and departure from traditional Orthodox canons. Despite the debates, the church remains a significant spiritual site in Bulgaria.

Svetlin Rusev's legacy endures through his artworks, contributions to Bulgarian cultural institutions, and his efforts to make art accessible to the public.

Was Rusev a member of the Bulgarian Communist Party? 

Yes, Svetlin Rusev was a member of the Bulgarian Communist Party (BCP) during the socialist period in Bulgaria, and he held prominent positions within the state-controlled art and cultural apparatus of the time.


🛠️ Political and Institutional Roles:

  • Rusev was Chairman of the Union of Bulgarian Artists (1973–1985), a powerful position closely tied to the Communist Party and the Ministry of Culture.

  • He was also Director of the National Art Gallery (1985–1988), another key cultural institution under direct party oversight.

  • He served as a member of the Bulgarian National Assembly (parliament), representing the BCP during the late socialist era, including the final years before the 1989 regime change.

  • His career flourished within the framework of the state-sponsored art world, which required at least tacit alignment with the Party's ideological goals.


🎨 Artistic Standing vs. Political Complicity

While Rusev was an official insider, he was also seen by some as a progressive force within the system:

  • He supported a more open, humanistic vision of art and helped promote Bulgarian and international modernists.

  • He was respected as a painter and intellectual, though critics argue that he benefited from his political connections.

After the fall of communism, Rusev remained active in cultural life but was sometimes criticized for his role in the previous regime.


Summary

  • 🟥 Yes, Rusev was a member of the Bulgarian Communist Party.

  • 🏛 He held several influential positions in the state’s cultural institutions.

  • 🖼 His legacy combines artistic achievement with a degree of political entanglement, typical of many intellectuals who rose under communist regimes in Eastern Europe.

He remains a controversial but highly respected figure in Bulgaria’s cultural history.

Wednesday, June 4, 2025

Comrade Vanga

 


Hmmm... 

Were Baba Vanga´s activities permitted during the Communist regime in Bulgaria? If so, why?

Yes, Baba Vanga’s activities were permitted—and even quietly supported—during the Communist regime in Bulgaria, despite the regime's official atheism and suppression of religious or mystical practices. This apparent contradiction can be understood through several factors:


1. State Surveillance and Control (Rather than Outright Suppression)

  • The Bulgarian Communist Party and the State Security Services (Darzhavna Sigurnost) kept a close watch on Baba Vanga.

  • She was not allowed to act entirely freely; she was subject to strict monitoring, and her interactions were often recorded or supervised.

  • Nevertheless, the regime did not shut her down, likely because her popularity made her difficult to suppress without public backlash.


2. Elite Patronage

  • High-ranking Communist officials, including party members and government elites, personally consulted Baba Vanga.

  • She reportedly gave advice to influential figures, including politicians and even leaders from outside Bulgaria, such as members of the Soviet bloc.

  • This informal endorsement by elites gave her a degree of protection and legitimacy.


3. National Prestige and Tourism

  • Baba Vanga became a symbol of national pride and an attraction that brought visitors (including from abroad) to Bulgaria.

  • In the 1960s and 1970s, the state even constructed a house and later a government-sanctioned clinic in Rupite, where she lived and received visitors. This center was operated under the Institute of Suggestology in Sofia—showing formal recognition of her role.


4. Controlled “Spirituality” as a Psychological Tool

  • Although the regime rejected organized religion, certain forms of parapsychology and psychic phenomena were tolerated under the umbrella of scientific exploration (e.g., “suggestology”).

  • Baba Vanga’s work was presented not as religious prophecy but as clairvoyance with potential scientific or psychological relevance.


5. Public Demand

  • She was extremely popular among ordinary Bulgarians, who often traveled long distances to seek her guidance.

  • Trying to suppress her entirely would have risked alienating the population and generating resentment against the regime.


Summary

Baba Vanga's continued activity under Bulgarian communism was possible due to:

  • Her usefulness to elites

  • Public popularity

  • Framing her work in non-religious terms

  • The regime’s willingness to allow some tolerated “mystical” figures under tight control

Rather than a contradiction, it was a pragmatic exception by a regime that knew how to co-opt rather than confront popular belief when it served their interests.

The making of a legend

 


Not sure if anybody on this side of cyberspace cares, but here is some info on the Baba Vanga situation...

Are there fake prophecies attributed to the Bulgarian physic Baba Vanga on the internet, for instance YouTube?

Yes, numerous fake prophecies attributed to the Bulgarian mystic Baba Vanga circulate widely on the internet, including platforms like YouTube. Many of these claims are unverified and often fabricated after her death in 1996.news.com.au

According to academic Viktoria Vitanova-Kerber, who has extensively studied Baba Vanga, there is no documented evidence supporting many of the predictions commonly attributed to her. These include events like the COVID-19 pandemic, the 9/11 attacks, and the election of Barack Obama. Vitanova-Kerber notes that such claims often stem from unverifiable sources, including anecdotes from visitors and statements from Vanga's relatives, without tangible proof. thesun.co.uk+4news.com.au+4news.com.au+4

RationalWiki also highlights that many supposed predictions found online lack citations and likely originated from conspiracy websites and social media. People close to Vanga have stated that she never made some of the prophecies attributed to her, such as those concerning major political events or global disasters. rationalwiki.org+1en.wikipedia.org+1

On YouTube, videos often present sensationalized and unverified claims about Baba Vanga's predictions. For instance, some videos assert that she foresaw events like a major disaster in 2025 or other apocalyptic scenarios. However, these videos typically lack credible sources or evidence supporting such claims. reddit.com+8nypost.com+8news.com.au+8youtube.com

In summary, while Baba Vanga was a well-known figure in Bulgaria and had many followers, the authenticity of many predictions attributed to her remains questionable. It's essential to approach such claims with skepticism and rely on verified sources when evaluating their validity.en.wikipedia.org

The new baba or same old?

 


Most of this is word sallad, but I suppose it´s interesting that the future depopulation crisis is seeping into the doom porn milieu. Funny these "prophecies" (allegedly from the late Bulgarian psychic Baba Vanga) were "secret" until secular doomers started talking about the issue, LOL. 

Sure, the idea of almost everyone vanishing over night is older, but until recently, it was usually connected to zombies, bio-engineered plagues or what have you. In this new version, people just vanish without a trace and nobody even remembers they were around?! It also seems to be a much more gradual process. 

I suppose it´s possible that this is all a clever metaphor for the COVID pandemic (YouTube presumably still censor too explicitly anti-vaxx content), but I suspect we´re dealing with Elon Musk´s warnings finally striking a chord among the perennially hysterical...

I didn´t catch the solution, though. Subscribe to the channel? Leave a like message?  

Monday, September 2, 2024

Operation Sunray: When Baba Vanga met the aliens

 


This story gives an entirely new meaning to the expression "it didn´t lose anything in retelling". Indeed, that seems to be literaly true. 

While the original talltale is from the early 1990´s, recording an event that supposedly happened in Bulgaria in 1990, the current versions seem more recent. This may explain the (obvious) similarities to films such as "Prometheus" or "Indiana Jones and the Kingdom of the Crystal Skull". 

That being said, this fakelore presumably have roots further back in both science fiction, ancient alien narratives, and conspiracy theory. The presence of psychics strikes me as a bit "old fashioned". And while most of the urban legend concerning Operation Sunray sound very American, some local Bulgarian color has been added (after all, the story *is* from Bulgaria originally). 

Baba Vanga was a well-known soothsayer in that Balkan nation who is still quite popular, decades after her death, with (probably forged) prophecies in Vanga´s name making their rounds around YouTube and perhaps elsewhere. Naturally, the baba has been included in the operation, uttering dire warnings about what awaits the unsuspecting soldiers who are digging to unearth the Philosopher´s Stone...

Yepp, it´s aliens all the way down!      

Monday, March 4, 2024

Centralmakter

 




Ett kort blogginlägg signerat Tobias Hübinette om vad som (kanske) hänt om centralmakterna gått segrande ur första världskriget.

Jag antar att den liberala demokratins genombrott (och sammanbrott) skjutits upp med kanske 50 år.

That´s it. That´s the scenario.

På en punkt har Hübinette faktiskt fel: Ukraina fick inte sina nuvarande gränser förrän efter *andra* världskriget (eller ännu senare om man räknar med Krim).    

Om centralmakterna vunnit första världskriget

Monday, January 1, 2024

Oh, shut up

 


Basic bitch prophecies (attributed to Nostradamus and one Baba Vanga) about climate change, AI, terrorism, the return of Donald Trump and increased tensions with China are spiced with less believable stuff about Prince Harry becoming King of England after some kind of coup in the UK. Or is it AI taking over the globe? Yeah, whatever. Note also that there are no prophecies about Russia and Ukraine?!

Still, quite funny that this particular peddler of bad news sounds *quite* realistic, LOL.     

Friday, July 21, 2023

Begging the Question

 


Previously posted on January 12, 2019. 

“Varför tigger romer?” (Why do the Roma beg?) is a controversial book by Stanislav Emirov, a priest in the Calvinist Church in Sweden. Roma or Romani people is the “official” designation of the ethnic group (or perhaps cluster of groups) popularly known as Gypsies. Many Gypsies from Romania and Bulgaria regularly travel to Sweden in order to beg in the streets and on the commuter trains. Most are strictly speaking illegal aliens, but the police do nothing since the Swedish establishment doesn´t care. Emirov has interviewed beggars, former beggars, and Roma activists in an attempt to understand the underlying problems. His book contains material from several European nations, although the emphasis is on Sweden.

The book feels disjointed and contradictory, more like a draft than a finished product. It´s peculiar in some ways. Emirov claims that the Calvinist Church has a special “team” aiding beggars in Stockholm, but their aid is never specified. Instead I get the impression that they served as the author´s intelligence operatives, mapping the beggar underworld. Emirov does come across as very critical, even hostile, to Gypsy culture which raises the question why the Roma wanted to talk to him (and his team) at all? Perhaps the author became progressively more skeptical to the Gypsies during his travels around Europe. “Varför tigger romer?” has been loudly denounced as “anti-ziganist” (i.e. anti-Gypsy) in the left-leaning parts of the Swedish media, while conservative daily Svenska Dagbladet has given it positive coverage.

Most controversially, Emirov reaches the conclusion that the Roma beg because they are Roma. Begging is one of the traditional Roma “trades”, and is always an option for any Roma who can´t get enough income from some other source. While begging is of course connected to poverty in most cases, other poor groups don´t beg, which to Emirov indicates that begging among the Roma is a culturally conditioned response to destitution. The fact that some Roma are rich but beg anyway also points to a cultural component. Emirov further argues that the Gypsies actually prefer poverty to assimilation. They obviously don´t *want* to be poor, but their hostility and paranoia towards majority society forces them to separate from it, both physically and mentally. To many Gypsies, any form of integration into, or accommodation with, non-Gypsy society is really assimilation and hence unclean by definition. Today, this separatist strategy has become dysfunctional: traditional Gypsy trades such as entertainment, peddling, horse-trading and certain handicrafts have either disappeared or been taken over by non-Gypsies. This forces separatist Gypsies to take up begging and other kinds of criminal activity.

But what should be done about the problem? Emirov advances several different perspectives on the problem of Roma begging, and these are not easily reconciled. When at his best libertarian-capitalist mood, Emirov proposes that begging is a trade like any other. Indeed, begging can be seen as a rational choice for some people. It can be compared to charities asking (begging!) people for a donation. The beggar simply eliminates the charitable institution as a middle-man, taking money directly from citizens in the street. This is also good for the giver, who thus gets some kind of choice in the matter of whom she should give to. Logically, Emirov should therefore call for the wholesale legalization of begging. However, he rather proposes that begging should be regulated by the state according to a quota system and that all beggars be forced to buy a license. The police will make sure that the regulations are followed by more frequent controls. The explicit purpose is to discourage Gypsies (who hate being regulated and registered) from begging, or entering the country at all. Emirov calls this the “nice way” in contrast to the “hard way”, which entails border controls of a more classical type.

However, in a later section, the author also proposes what he calls “the only right way”. This turns out to be a very peculiar “Austro-Marxist” proposal to give the Romani people status as an extra-territorial or non-territorial member-state of the European Union. All Roma (and presumably similar groups) around Europe should become “citizens” of this extra-territorial state, which would have representatives at different levels of the EU hierarchy. In this way, Emirov believes, the Gypsies will gradually become more positive towards the idea of integration. I consider this proposal to be unrealistic in the extreme, but above all, it´s faulty even on the basis of the author´s own premises. Thus, Emirov believes that Romanians and Bulgarians will remain racist towards the Gypsies for the foreseeable future. But if so, why should Romania and Bulgaria accept a non-territorial Gypsy political entity supported by Brussels on their territories? Further, Emirov claims that the only way to stop Gypsy begging without repression is to give them ample welfare payments. Apparently, 80% of all able-bodied Gypsies in Sweden are unemployed and hence live off the tax-payer. If so, the only way to stop Gypsies from the Balkans to beg, in Sweden or elsewhere, is to give *them* generous welfare payments, too. But what makes Emirov think that European tax-payers will accept such a solution? There are literally millions of Romani in Europe, and the Balkan republics are hardly the only places where you can find anti-ziganism.

The Gypsy cultural autonomy proposed by the author would simply become an enormous drain on the EU resources – or so it will seem to many EU citizens. The final objection is that even such an autonomous organization would probably be seen by the Roma themselves as a form of assimilation (perhaps the subtlest one yet). The initiative to form it, after all, comes from the unclean EU. It´s integrated into the EU´s structures. And Emirov says himself that “integration” is the ultimate goal, and on his own premises, this will be interpreted as racist “assimilation” by those whom it chiefly concern. Emirov´s liberal “pro-ziganist” opponents also have a problem, however. They really are integrationist, and have attacked “Varför tigger romer?” precisely for its “separatist” tendencies. I happen to agree with Emirov that opposition to majority society is strong among many Gypsies, guaranteeing that only small elite groups willing to interact with mainstream society will be attracted to the liberal perspective. I almost suspect that the welfare money is a way of hiding the fact that most Roma are still fundamentally Roma (for good or for worse).

As for Emirov, he closes his book by describing Moldova and Russia. Moldova is the only nation in Europe where the Romani population *does* intermarry to a relatively large degree with the majority, but the author sees this as a situation unlikely to be introduced anywhere else. In Russia, there is a truce or modus vivendi between Gypsies and Russians, the latter having a romantic picture of the former, something the former use to their advantage. Here the book ends, with the somewhat counter-intuitive statement that Putin´s Russia of all places might be the best place for the Romani people.

Despite everything, “Varför tigger romer?” is an interesting work, if seen as the journalistic report of one man. It does give a sneak peek into the world of beggars (including non-Gypsy ones). That being said, some of the author´s interpretations of Romani culture strike me as weird on the face of it (and I´m certainly no expert). Thus, why does Emirov constantly claim that Gypsies “can´t plan ahead”, “live from day to day”, and so on. His own book proves that those who beg *do* organize their work well in advance – as well they might. How else are they able to compete with all the non-Gypsy beggars? The same with those who form Gypsy associations in order to receive grant money from the state, and so on. Since Gypsies don’t like the prying eyes of unclean gadjos, has it never struck Emirov that the fatalistic and indifferent attitude towards life espoused by many of his interviewees is really a trick to make him, the annoying Calvinist busy-body, loose interest and go away? 

I´m also surprised by the author´s claim that most Gypsies lack a religion! If so, they would be the only people (before the modern era) to do so, a sensational claim that surely calls for a more extensive discussion. My guess is that Emirov construes “religion” and “supernatural” very narrowly. I´ve been informed by a Catholic priest from Slovakia that while most Gypsies are indeed indifferent to the central tenets of Catholicism (except baptism), they do believe in curses and look upon the priest with considerable awe, in the belief that “rasha” is a conduit of supernatural power. Why isn´t this a kind of religion, I wonder?

With these, perhaps somewhat disjointed remarks, I close my review of “Varför tigger romer?”.

Thursday, April 28, 2022

Myt och verklighet

Öppningsceremonin för Nord Stream
under Medvedevs interregnum

Varför Ryssland skiter i EU:s sanktioner. Man kan tydligen inte stoppa Putte genom "cancel culture". Who knew? 

Gaslarmet i Europa: "Är panikartat inför vintern"

Saturday, April 2, 2022

Rapture ready

 


The rapture will be in 2022. Did you know? Not me neither, but I should have. This according to a dream by a Muslim convert to Christianity named Fatima. I wonder if the name is a co-incidence? 

Or maybe some other shite will happen, as per Baba Vanga here above. (Note that this late Bulgarian mystic didn´t predict the Russian invasion of Ukraine!) But the baba claimed that the world won´t end until 5079, so presumably her posthumous self will be out-competed by all the 2022 doomsayers...and the 2023 ones...and the 2024 ones...

You get the picture.

At least Nibiru has been written off. I haven´t checked *that* particular milieu since 2018 (when they predicted the end would happen on November 28 - it didn´t), but a quick search on YouTube reveals no new Nibiru prophecies this year. Wow!

There *is* a chance that the world might end in a nuclear conflagration c/o Vlad the Even Madder, but if you ask me, we´ll both still be here in 2023, discussing another round of failed apocalyptic scenarios... 


Sunday, September 26, 2021

One snake too many

A winged snake? Sounds delicious!


Cryptozoologist (or perhaps folklorist) Karl Shuker strikes again, this time with a highly entertaining article about "flying snakes", which are apparently seen on a semi-regular basis all around the world. Namibia, Bulgaria, ancient Egypt and even London are some of the places where this cryptid (completely unknown to me until now) has supposedly showed its fangs and, I suppose, wing membranes. 

Do I believe it? 

Not a chance. I´m not an anatomist, but I´m sure snakes with wings are as impossible as pigs that fly or moose that hover, so *this* won´t worry me a bit when I take a stroll outside tomorrow morning. But OK, I don´t live anywhere near Namibia (or London, for that matter) so perchance I speak too early?  

Snakes with wings and other strange things

Saturday, January 12, 2019

Begging the Question




“Varför tigger romer?” (Why do the Roma beg?) is a controversial book by Stanislav Emirov, a priest in the Calvinist Church in Sweden. Roma or Romani people is the “official” designation of the ethnic group (or perhaps cluster of groups) popularly known as Gypsies. Many Gypsies from Romania and Bulgaria regularly travel to Sweden in order to beg in the streets and on the commuter trains. Most are strictly speaking illegal aliens, but the police do nothing since the Swedish establishment doesn´t care. Emirov has interviewed beggars, former beggars, and Roma activists in an attempt to understand the underlying problems. His book contains material from several European nations, although the emphasis is on Sweden.

The book feels disjointed and contradictory, more like a draft than a finished product. It´s peculiar in some ways. Emirov claims that the Calvinist Church has a special “team” aiding beggars in Stockholm, but their aid is never specified. Instead I get the impression that they served as the author´s intelligence operatives, mapping the beggar underworld. Emirov does come across as very critical, even hostile, to Gypsy culture which raises the question why the Roma wanted to talk to him (and his team) at all? Perhaps the author became progressively more skeptical to the Gypsies during his travels around Europe. “Varför tigger romer?” has been loudly denounced as “anti-ziganist” (i.e. anti-Gypsy) in the left-leaning parts of the Swedish media, while conservative daily Svenska Dagbladet has given it positive coverage.

Most controversially, Emirov reaches the conclusion that the Roma beg because they are Roma. Begging is one of the traditional Roma “trades”, and is always an option for any Roma who can´t get enough income from some other source. While begging is of course connected to poverty in most cases, other poor groups don´t beg, which to Emirov indicates that begging among the Roma is a culturally conditioned response to destitution. The fact that some Roma are rich but beg anyway also points to a cultural component. Emirov further argues that the Gypsies actually prefer poverty to assimilation. They obviously don´t *want* to be poor, but their hostility and paranoia towards majority society forces them to separate from it, both physically and mentally. To many Gypsies, any form of integration into, or accommodation with, non-Gypsy society is really assimilation and hence unclean by definition. Today, this separatist strategy has become dysfunctional: traditional Gypsy trades such as entertainment, peddling, horse-trading and certain handicrafts have either disappeared or been taken over by non-Gypsies. This forces separatist Gypsies to take up begging and other kinds of criminal activity.

But what should be done about the problem? Emirov advances several different perspectives on the problem of Roma begging, and these are not easily reconciled. When at his best libertarian-capitalist mood, Emirov proposes that begging is a trade like any other. Indeed, begging can be seen as a rational choice for some people. It can be compared to charities asking (begging!) people for a donation. The beggar simply eliminates the charitable institution as a middle-man, taking money directly from citizens in the street. This is also good for the giver, who thus gets some kind of choice in the matter of whom she should give to. Logically, Emirov should therefore call for the wholesale legalization of begging. However, he rather proposes that begging should be regulated by the state according to a quota system and that all beggars be forced to buy a license. The police will make sure that the regulations are followed by more frequent controls. The explicit purpose is to discourage Gypsies (who hate being regulated and registered) from begging, or entering the country at all. Emirov calls this the “nice way” in contrast to the “hard way”, which entails border controls of a more classical type.

However, in a later section, the author also proposes what he calls “the only right way”. This turns out to be a very peculiar “Austro-Marxist” proposal to give the Romani people status as an extra-territorial or non-territorial member-state of the European Union. All Roma (and presumably similar groups) around Europe should become “citizens” of this extra-territorial state, which would have representatives at different levels of the EU hierarchy. In this way, Emirov believes, the Gypsies will gradually become more positive towards the idea of integration. I consider this proposal to be unrealistic in the extreme, but above all, it´s faulty even on the basis of the author´s own premises. Thus, Emirov believes that Romanians and Bulgarians will remain racist towards the Gypsies for the foreseeable future. But if so, why should Romania and Bulgaria accept a non-territorial Gypsy political entity supported by Brussels on their territories? Further, Emirov claims that the only way to stop Gypsy begging without repression is to give them ample welfare payments. Apparently, 80% of all able-bodied Gypsies in Sweden are unemployed and hence live off the tax-payer. If so, the only way to stop Gypsies from the Balkans to beg, in Sweden or elsewhere, is to give *them* generous welfare payments, too. But what makes Emirov think that European tax-payers will accept such a solution? There are literally millions of Romani in Europe, and the Balkan republics are hardly the only places where you can find anti-ziganism.

The Gypsy cultural autonomy proposed by the author would simply become an enormous drain on the EU resources – or so it will seem to many EU citizens. The final objection is that even such an autonomous organization would probably be seen by the Roma themselves as a form of assimilation (perhaps the subtlest one yet). The initiative to form it, after all, comes from the unclean EU. It´s integrated into the EU´s structures. And Emirov says himself that “integration” is the ultimate goal, and on his own premises, this will be interpreted as racist “assimilation” by those whom it chiefly concern. Emirov´s liberal “pro-ziganist” opponents also have a problem, however. They really are integrationist, and have attacked “Varför tigger romer?” precisely for its “separatist” tendencies. I happen to agree with Emirov that opposition to majority society is strong among many Gypsies, guaranteeing that only small elite groups willing to interact with mainstream society will be attracted to the liberal perspective. I almost suspect that the welfare money is a way of hiding the fact that most Roma are still fundamentally Roma (for good or for worse).

As for Emirov, he closes his book by describing Moldova and Russia. Moldova is the only nation in Europe where the Romani population *does* intermarry to a relatively large degree with the majority, but the author sees this as a situation unlikely to be introduced anywhere else. In Russia, there is a truce or modus vivendi between Gypsies and Russians, the latter having a romantic picture of the former, something the former use to their advantage. Here the book ends, with the somewhat counter-intuitive statement that Putin´s Russia of all places might be the best place for the Romani people.

Despite everything, “Varför tigger romer?” is an interesting work, if seen as the journalistic report of one man. It does give a sneak peek into the world of beggars (including non-Gypsy ones). That being said, some of the author´s interpretations of Romani culture strike me as weird on the face of it (and I´m certainly no expert). Thus, why does Emirov constantly claim that Gypsies “can´t plan ahead”, “live from day to day”, and so on. His own book proves that those who beg *do* organize their work well in advance – as well they might. How else are they able to compete with all the non-Gypsy beggars? The same with those who form Gypsy associations in order to receive grant money from the state, and so on. Since Gypsies don’t like the prying eyes of unclean gadjos, has it never struck Emirov that the fatalistic and indifferent attitude towards life espoused by many of his interviewees is really a trick to make him, the annoying Calvinist busy-body, loose interest and go away? 

I´m also surprised by the author´s claim that most Gypsies lack a religion! If so, they would be the only people (before the modern era) to do so, a sensational claim that surely calls for a more extensive discussion. My guess is that Emirov construes “religion” and “supernatural” very narrowly. I´ve been informed by a Catholic priest from Slovakia that while most Gypsies are indeed indifferent to the central tenets of Catholicism (except baptism), they do believe in curses and look upon the priest with considerable awe, in the belief that “rasha” is a conduit of supernatural power. Why isn´t this a kind of religion, I wonder?

With these, perhaps somewhat disjointed remarks, I close my review of “Varför tigger romer?”.