“Varför
tigger romer?” (Why do the Roma beg?) is a controversial book by Stanislav
Emirov, a priest in the Calvinist Church in Sweden. Roma or Romani people is
the “official” designation of the ethnic group (or perhaps cluster of groups)
popularly known as Gypsies. Many Gypsies from Romania and Bulgaria regularly
travel to Sweden in order to beg in the streets and on the commuter trains.
Most are strictly speaking illegal aliens, but the police do nothing since the
Swedish establishment doesn´t care. Emirov has interviewed beggars, former
beggars, and Roma activists in an attempt to understand the underlying
problems. His book contains material from several European nations, although the
emphasis is on Sweden.
The book feels
disjointed and contradictory, more like a draft than a finished product. It´s
peculiar in some ways. Emirov claims that the Calvinist Church has a special “team”
aiding beggars in Stockholm, but their aid is never specified. Instead I get
the impression that they served as the author´s intelligence operatives,
mapping the beggar underworld. Emirov does come across as very critical, even
hostile, to Gypsy culture which raises the question why the Roma wanted to talk
to him (and his team) at all? Perhaps the author became progressively more
skeptical to the Gypsies during his travels around Europe. “Varför tigger
romer?” has been loudly denounced as “anti-ziganist” (i.e. anti-Gypsy) in the
left-leaning parts of the Swedish media, while conservative daily Svenska
Dagbladet has given it positive coverage.
Most
controversially, Emirov reaches the conclusion that the Roma beg because they
are Roma. Begging is one of the traditional Roma “trades”, and is always an
option for any Roma who can´t get enough income from some other source. While
begging is of course connected to poverty in most cases, other poor groups
don´t beg, which to Emirov indicates that begging among the Roma is a
culturally conditioned response to destitution. The fact that some Roma are
rich but beg anyway also points to a cultural component. Emirov further argues
that the Gypsies actually prefer poverty to assimilation. They obviously don´t
*want* to be poor, but their hostility and paranoia towards majority society
forces them to separate from it, both physically and mentally. To many Gypsies,
any form of integration into, or accommodation with, non-Gypsy society is
really assimilation and hence unclean by definition. Today, this separatist strategy
has become dysfunctional: traditional Gypsy trades such as entertainment, peddling,
horse-trading and certain handicrafts have either disappeared or been taken
over by non-Gypsies. This forces separatist Gypsies to take up begging and other
kinds of criminal activity.
But what
should be done about the problem? Emirov advances several different
perspectives on the problem of Roma begging, and these are not easily
reconciled. When at his best libertarian-capitalist mood, Emirov proposes that begging
is a trade like any other. Indeed, begging can be seen as a rational choice for
some people. It can be compared to charities asking (begging!) people for a
donation. The beggar simply eliminates the charitable institution as a
middle-man, taking money directly from citizens in the street. This is also
good for the giver, who thus gets some kind of choice in the matter of whom she
should give to. Logically, Emirov should therefore call for the wholesale
legalization of begging. However, he rather proposes that begging should be
regulated by the state according to a quota system and that all beggars be
forced to buy a license. The police will make sure that the regulations are
followed by more frequent controls. The explicit purpose is to discourage
Gypsies (who hate being regulated and registered) from begging, or entering the
country at all. Emirov calls this the “nice way” in contrast to the “hard way”,
which entails border controls of a more classical type.
However, in
a later section, the author also proposes what he calls “the only right way”. This
turns out to be a very peculiar “Austro-Marxist” proposal to give the Romani
people status as an extra-territorial or non-territorial member-state of the
European Union. All Roma (and presumably similar groups) around Europe should
become “citizens” of this extra-territorial state, which would have
representatives at different levels of the EU hierarchy. In this way, Emirov
believes, the Gypsies will gradually become more positive towards the idea of
integration. I consider this proposal to be unrealistic in the extreme, but
above all, it´s faulty even on the basis of the author´s own premises. Thus,
Emirov believes that Romanians and Bulgarians will remain racist towards the
Gypsies for the foreseeable future. But if so, why should Romania and Bulgaria
accept a non-territorial Gypsy political entity supported by Brussels on their
territories? Further, Emirov claims that the only way to stop Gypsy begging
without repression is to give them ample welfare payments. Apparently, 80% of
all able-bodied Gypsies in Sweden are unemployed and hence live off the
tax-payer. If so, the only way to stop Gypsies from the Balkans to beg, in
Sweden or elsewhere, is to give *them* generous welfare payments, too. But what
makes Emirov think that European tax-payers will accept such a solution? There
are literally millions of Romani in Europe, and the Balkan republics are hardly
the only places where you can find anti-ziganism.
The Gypsy cultural
autonomy proposed by the author would simply become an enormous drain on the EU
resources – or so it will seem to many EU citizens. The final objection is that
even such an autonomous organization would probably be seen by the Roma themselves
as a form of assimilation (perhaps the subtlest one yet). The initiative to
form it, after all, comes from the unclean EU. It´s integrated into the EU´s
structures. And Emirov says himself that “integration” is the ultimate goal,
and on his own premises, this will be interpreted as racist “assimilation” by
those whom it chiefly concern. Emirov´s liberal “pro-ziganist” opponents also
have a problem, however. They really are integrationist, and have attacked “Varför
tigger romer?” precisely for its “separatist” tendencies. I happen to agree
with Emirov that opposition to majority society is strong among many Gypsies,
guaranteeing that only small elite groups willing to interact with mainstream society
will be attracted to the liberal perspective. I almost suspect that the welfare
money is a way of hiding the fact that most Roma are still fundamentally Roma
(for good or for worse).
As for
Emirov, he closes his book by describing Moldova and Russia. Moldova is the
only nation in Europe where the Romani population *does* intermarry to a
relatively large degree with the majority, but the author sees this as a
situation unlikely to be introduced anywhere else. In Russia, there is a truce
or modus vivendi between Gypsies and Russians, the latter having a romantic picture
of the former, something the former use to their advantage. Here the book ends,
with the somewhat counter-intuitive statement that Putin´s Russia of all places
might be the best place for the Romani people.
Despite
everything, “Varför tigger romer?” is an interesting work, if seen as the journalistic report of one man. It does give a sneak peek into the
world of beggars (including non-Gypsy ones). That being said, some of the
author´s interpretations of Romani culture strike me as weird on the face of it
(and I´m certainly no expert). Thus, why does Emirov constantly claim that
Gypsies “can´t plan ahead”, “live from day to day”, and so on. His own book
proves that those who beg *do* organize their work well in advance – as well
they might. How else are they able to compete with all the non-Gypsy beggars? The
same with those who form Gypsy associations in order to receive grant money
from the state, and so on. Since Gypsies don’t like the prying eyes of unclean
gadjos, has it never struck Emirov that the fatalistic and indifferent attitude
towards life espoused by many of his interviewees is really a trick to make him,
the annoying Calvinist busy-body, loose interest and go away?
I´m also
surprised by the author´s claim that most Gypsies lack a religion! If so, they
would be the only people (before the modern era) to do so, a sensational claim
that surely calls for a more extensive discussion. My guess is that Emirov
construes “religion” and “supernatural” very narrowly. I´ve been informed by a
Catholic priest from Slovakia that while most Gypsies are indeed indifferent to
the central tenets of Catholicism (except baptism), they do believe in curses
and look upon the priest with considerable awe, in the belief that “rasha” is a
conduit of supernatural power. Why isn´t this a kind of religion, I wonder?
With these,
perhaps somewhat disjointed remarks, I close my review of “Varför tigger romer?”.
Some info on this "oppressed" minority group.
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