Showing posts with label Bon. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Bon. Show all posts

Saturday, July 11, 2026

Swastika confusion

 




A very short introduction to the swastika problematique (which seems to be vast) in Buddhism and the related Bon religion. Apparently, Buddhists don´t care if the swastika is turning left or right. In Bon, by contrast, the "yungdrung" must always turn left. 

According to the videos, at least in Buddhist Himalayan art, swastikas are often purely decorative in character. Some may turn right, others left, for the sake of symmetry and balance. In Chinese Buddhism, a buddha is often shown with a swastika on his body for some kind of theological reasons, but the videos never explain why. There is also the idea that Siddharta Gautama was born with small swastikas on his toes!

Kind of interesting, actually. I´ve seen the Chinese stuff before, in the AI-generated videos of that Buddhist nun I sometimes link to... 

Sunday, May 31, 2026

Female deities that are green

 


 






The super-niche YouTube channel HAR (Himalayan Art Resources) strikes again. Very strange stuff in these videos, including a green version of Lakshmi riding on a lion, a twelve-armed red version of Ganapati, various real people turned into "protector-spirits" after their deaths (in one case, seemingly by the guy´s enemies?!) and even "Amitayus with consort". Good luck with this material, guys!

Art nerds with wings

 


"Himalayan Art Resources, Inc." must be the ultimate nerd channel on YouTube. Or maybe not, since Tibetan Vajrayana Buddhism is presumably still popular among Western spiritual seekers. The short clip above deals with deities depicted with wings and mentions examples from both Vajrayana and Bön (Bon). Note the Garuda bird! Apparently a loan from Hinduism.

In case you´re interested.   

Thursday, December 11, 2025

Inside the Samadhi caves

 


A Singaporean YouTube video referencing some fringe speculations about Mount Kailash (Shiva´s holy mountain) in Tibet. The content is based on controversial Russian writer Ernst Muldashev´s "Where Do We Come From". 

Muldashev claims to have found evidence of both Atlanteans, Giants and Lemurians deep inside the "Samadhi caves" of Tibet. His stories seem to be inspired by actual Tibetan Buddhist lore about advanced human masters suspended in perpetual meditation. Not sure if there is also a UFO connection, but the ancient races depicted in the book do look like classical space aliens. The whole thing is frankly very hard to believe...as usual. 

Why would the Special People guarding the secrets of the caves all of a sudden reveal them to a foreigner? I assume Muldashev had a Chinese chaperon when traveling around Mount Kailash...or no? And how did the "Bonpo Lama" know about Atlantis? I assume Ignatius Donnelly´s books haven´t been translated to modern Tibetan (let alone Atlantean)? 

The stories do sound archetypal somehow, with Muldashev trying to penetrate a deep cave system to find hidden secrets (maybe a Jungian would find this intriguing) and ultimately failing since he wasn´t properly initiated or enlightened. But are they literally true? Hate to disappoint you, but I find that to be a very remote possibility indeed.

In any case, it seems we´re permanently stuck on the surface!

Saturday, December 6, 2025

A world of wisdom

 


A kind of sequel to the previous blog post. Yes, we´re entering the strange and wonderful territory of Tibetan Buddhism and folklore! 

What´s the difference between worldy and wisdom dakinis?

In Tibetan Buddhism, wrathful/sky-going female spirits called dākinīs exist on a spectrum from enlightened to completely unenlightened. The essential distinction is between:

1. Worldly dakinis (’jig rten ma / ’jig rten mkha’ ’gro ma)

and

2. Wisdom dakinis (ye shes kyi mkha’ ’gro ma)

These are not two species, but two ends of a continuum—from powerful but samsaric spirits to fully awakened embodiments of wisdom.

Below is a precise and tradition-resonant explanation.


🌍 1. Worldly Dakinis (’Jig rten mkha’ ’gro / Khandroma of the World)

Nature

  • They are spirits, not fully enlightened beings.

  • Often connected with local mountains, lakes, caves, forests, and sky regions.

  • Can be helpful, harmful, or neutral depending on how humans relate to them.

  • They belong to the Six Realms (gods, demi-gods, humans, animals, hungry ghosts, hell beings) or sub-realms.

Behavior

  • They may cause:

    • illness

    • visions

    • prophetic dreams

    • disturbances

    • shamanic experiences

  • Or offer:

    • treasure text revelations (terma)

    • protection to yogis

    • signs, omens, guidance

Relation to Shamans

Worldly dakinis are especially relevant in:

  • Tibetan shamanic lineages

  • Himalayan animistic traditions

  • Pre-Buddhist Bön

  • Himalayan village religion

Here they are understood as sky-spirits or wind-beings with their own agency.

Examples

  • Mountain goddesses like Tseringma and her four sisters

  • Lake dakinis

  • Cliff or cave dakinis

  • “Flesh-eating dakinis” of the charnel grounds (in their unenlightened aspect)

They can be tamed or bound by lamas (like Padmasambhava did).

Summary

Worldly dakinis are powerful female spirits, still within samsara, who may help or harm.

They are NOT enlightened in themselves.


🕊️ 2. Wisdom Dakinis (Ye-shes kyi Khandroma)

These are fully enlightened manifestations of wisdom (prajñā). They express the ultimate nature of mind and function as Buddha-forms.

Nature

They embody:

  • śūnyatā (emptiness)

  • luminosity

  • non-dual wisdom

They are equivalent to tantric Buddhas and bodhisattvas.

Roles

  • Appear in meditation visualization

  • Bestow transmissions or blessings

  • Serve as the “voice” of the guru’s wisdom

  • In Dzogchen and Mahāmudrā, may appear in visions revealing rigpa

Forms

Wisdom dakinis include:

  • Vajrāyoginī

  • Vajravārāhī

  • Nairātmyā

  • Simhamukhā

  • Kurukullā

  • Yeshe Tsogyal (in her enlightened aspect)

  • Sarvabuddha-dakini (the “dakini of all buddhas”)

They are not spirits but enlightened deities—yet often portrayed in fierce, liminal, charnel-ground aesthetics to symbolize non-duality.

Summary

Wisdom dakinis are enlightened embodiments of prajñā and appear in tantric meditation as expressions of awakened mind.


🔱 3. Are They Related? The Continuum Model

Tibetan Buddhism deliberately maps spirit-world figures onto enlightened archetypes.

Think of it like this:

Worldly spirits (unenlightened) → semi-enlightened guardians → fully enlightened wisdom goddesses

A worldly dakini may become a wisdom dakini through:

  • taming by a lama (Padmasambhava, Machig Labdrön, Milarepa)

  • linking with a lineage

  • recognition of their deeper nature

The outer, inner, secret tripartite structure clarifies this:

  • Outer dakinis = worldly sky-spirits

  • Inner dakinis = tantric deities (empowerment-level)

  • Secret dakinis = your own prajñā-nature (emptiness-awareness)


🧘 4. How Practitioners Encounter Them

Worldly dakinis may appear:

  • in dreams

  • as omens

  • in visions during retreats

  • through oracles

  • in shamanic trances

These encounters are ambiguous.

Wisdom dakinis appear:

  • in meditation

  • through empowerments

  • in pure visions

  • as direct manifestations of enlightened mind

These encounters are purified.


🗝️ 5. Practical Difference (From Practitioner’s View)

TypeNatureRelationPurpose
Worldly DakiniSpirit within samsaraNeeds appeasement, offering, control, or propitiationProtection, obstacles, omens, shamanic interaction
Wisdom DakiniEnlightened prajñāSource of realizationTransmission of wisdom, awakening, liberation

Practitioners treat worldly dakinis with ritual care, while wisdom dakinis are approached through tantra and meditation.


⭐ In One Sentence

Worldly dakinis are powerful samsaric spirits of the sky and landscape; wisdom dakinis are enlightened manifestations of the mind’s ultimate nature.


If you want, I can also explain:

  • the five families of wisdom dakinis

  • how Yeshe Tsogyal bridges the categories

  • connections between dakinis and shamanic sky-walkers in Central Asia

  • the “three levels of dakini” in the Hevajra and Cakrasaṃvara tantras

Just tell me which direction you’d like.

The wild hunt goes to Tibet

 

- Yeah, we may look nice now,
but just wait until Christmas!

There does seem to be similar ideas to the Wild Hunt in India and Tibet, so here comes the sequel. Yepp, kids, it´s folklore night!

Is there similar folklore in India or Tibet, involving dakinis and shamans?

Yes—India (especially Himalayan regions) and Tibet have strikingly similar folklore to the European “Wild Hunt,” involving sky-traveling spirits, dākinīs, wrathful deities, and shamanic spirit processions.
They are not identical, but the motifs—night journeys, airborne hosts, spirit processions, storms, and dangers of being “taken”—are close parallels.

Below is a clear map of the major analogues.


🇹🇩 1. Tibet: Dākinīs, Spirit Riders, and Sky Processions

⭐ A. Dākinīs (khandroma / ḍākinī = “sky-goer”)

In Tibetan Buddhism and pre-Buddhist Bön:

  • Dākinīs are literally “sky-travelers,” often seen flying through the air with retinues.

  • They appear as:

    • peaceful or wrathful female beings

    • protectors of tantra

    • guides or abductors of yogis (depending on the story)

Some texts describe hosts of dākinīs moving through the night sky, especially during tantric rituals or around cremation grounds—conceptually close to the Wild Hunt’s skyborne procession.

⭐ B. Bön Shamans and Sky-Riding Spirits

In Bönpo traditions:

  • Shamans (bon-po, ngakpa) undertake “soul flight” into the sky.

  • They call or encounter armies of spirits, many of which travel through the air.

  • Some are dangerous: meeting a “host” of wrathful spirits at night can cause illness or possession.

⭐ C. “Chögyal’s Hunters” and wrathful deities

Certain wrathful deities ride with retinues of ghosts, demons, and animal-headed spirits.
For example:

  • Pehar (oracle deity) travels with spirit soldiers.

  • Mahākāla is often depicted accompanied by a host of flying demons.

  • Yama and related kings ride across the night sky in judgment episodes.

Folklore says that:

  • hearing strange noises

  • seeing sky-lights or blazing apparitions

  • encountering a “spirit wind”

can indicate a procession of these beings.

⭐ D. “The Eight Classes of Spirits”

Tibetan cosmology includes lu, gdon, tsen, nyen, etc.—many of them:

  • travel in groups,

  • move through the air during storms,

  • punish humans who cross forbidden times or places.

Some ethnographic accounts describe them as “armies” or “hosts” that pass over villages.

→ This is one of the closest parallels to the Wild Hunt.


🇮🇳 2. India: Yakṣas, Vetālas, Pretas, and Night Processions

India does not have a single “Wild Hunt” myth, but many regions have analogous ideas.

⭐ A. Vetāla and preta processions

In Indian (especially North Indian and Himalayan) folklore:

  • hosts of pretas (dead spirits)

  • vetālas (ghoul-like beings)
    travel through the night, particularly around cremation grounds.

They sometimes appear as:

  • fiery shapes,

  • flickering lights,

  • airborne beings,

  • or processions accompanied by howls and wind.

Crossing paths with these beings is highly dangerous, just like the Wild Hunt.

⭐ B. Himalayan “Night Spirits” and Shamanic Beliefs

Among the tribal and shamanic traditions of:

  • Himachal Pradesh

  • Uttarakhand (especially Garhwal and Kumaon)

  • Nepal (Tamang, Gurung, Sherpa)

  • Arunachal Pradesh (Adi, Apatani, Nishi)

there are stories about:

  • flying witches (similar to dākinīs)

  • armies of dead souls traveling on storm winds

  • spirit hosts led by mountain deities

  • gods who ride in the night with retinues

Shamans (jhakri, bongthing, pawo) can:

  • “ride the wind,”

  • follow deities in spirit-flight,

  • or be attacked by airborne spirit hosts.

⭐ C. The “Bhairava's Procession” Motif

In some Shaiva traditions, Bhairava is accompanied by:

  • ghosts,

  • demonesses,

  • dogs,

  • yoginis,

  • and wild spirits.

Some folklore describes this group roaming the night, especially during funerary or liminal times.

This is conceptually close to Odin’s ghostly troop.

⭐ D. Yoginī / Yoginī Kaula traditions

Indian yoginīs (cognates of dākinīs) often:

  • fly through the night sky

  • travel in groups

  • appear as a circle (cakra) of airborne goddesses

This becomes especially intense in 64-Yoginī temples and Śākta tantra.

Some texts explicitly say yoginīs snatch or seize the unwary—paralleling the Wild Hunt’s power to abduct.


❄️ 3. Shared motifs with the Wild Hunt

Across Tibetan and Indian mountain traditions we see:

MotifScandinavian Wild HuntTibetan / Indian Parallels
Night sky processionRiders across the skyDākinī hosts, yoginīs, tsen spirits
Storm windsFurious winter stormsSpirit-winds (rlung), storm deities
Leader deityOdin or a spectral leaderPehar, Mahākāla, wrathful kings
Danger to humansDeath, madness, being takenPossession, loss of soul, illness
Accompanied by lightsFire, meteors, auroraSky-fire, glowing spirits, tummo flames
Time of yearYule, liminal nightsLosar (New Year), solstices, eclipses
Shamans interactingRare in EuropeExtremely common in Tibet/Himalayas

Structurally, the parallels are very strong.


🧭 Conclusion

Yes.
India and Tibet have multiple traditions that resemble the Wild Hunt motif:

  • Tibetan dākinī hosts

  • Bön and Buddhist spirit processions

  • Himalayan shamanic “spirit winds”

  • Shaiva Bhairava-and-ghost retinues

  • Yoginī and preta flights

Their roles—warnings, omens, dangerous encounters, and spirit abductions—match the underlying Indo-European and shamanic pattern seen in the Wild Hunt.


If you want, I can go deeper into:

  • Tibetan dākinī lore (especially the difference between worldly and wisdom dākinīs)

  • Himalayan shamanic “night processions”

  • Yoginī / ḍākinī connections between India and Tibet

  • Whether these traditions are historically related or independently developed

Just tell me which direction you’d like.

Sunday, November 3, 2024

Exorcizing the exorcist

 


“Exorcising the Illusion of Bon “Shamans”: A Critical Genealogy of Shamanism in Tibetan Religions” by Zeff Bjerken is a scholarly article published in 2004. It´s a very “in-house” overview of how Western and Asiatic scholars have interpreted (and presumably misinterpreted) Bon (sometimes spelled Bön), which is rightly or wrongly regarded as the pre-Buddhist religion of Tibet. There is a modern Tibetan religious community which practices Bon (or something they call Bon). Bjerken does make some interesting points, but he never presents his own view of Bon, and the article has a somewhat “postmodernist” feel, as if no true interpretation or perspective was even possible – neither of Bon nor of religion in general.

Originally, Western scholars had a very negative take on Bon. It was “sorcery”, “fetishism”, “animism” or indeed “shamanism”, a primitive survival of a barbaric past. They were probably cannibals, too. Buddhism was seen as a tool of higher civilization. Explicit parallels were made with how Christianity replaced paganism. At the same time, Western observers were wary of the Tibetan form of Buddhism, as well. Both Catholics and Protestant regarded “Lamaism” as too close to Catholicism. The superficial similarities are indeed striking: monks, priests with miter-like headgear, complex rituals resembling masses, relics, prominent lamas acting like “popes”, etc. To Jesuit missionaries, this was “diabolic mimicry” of Holy Mother Church. To Protestants or scholars influenced by Protestant models, pure and pristine Buddhism had degenerated into the Tibetan version in pretty much the same way as early Christianity had been distorted by the Catholic Church. Often, the most negative or debased practices of “Lamaism” were explained in terms of “shamanic” Bon influences. Compare how Catholicism is seen as influenced by paganism.

One intriguing observation is that the negative Western perspectives on Bon was shared by Hindu and Japanese Buddhist scholars. Bjerken also points out that Tibetan Buddhist sources dealing with Bon are extremely negative and paint a dualistic picture of the two religions, one being good, the other being evil. Thus, the Western scholars weren´t just constructing “Orientalism” (in Edward Said´s sense), but hybridizing it with native anti-Bon polemics. Of course, another way of putting it is that they used Buddhist anti-Bon polemics to fuel their Orientalism, since they often didn´t fancy the Tibetan Buddhists either!

One popular idea in Bon studies has been that the religion evolved in three different phases. This comes from a polemical Tibetan Buddhist history, but was taken seriously until recently, amplified by other Tibetan sources. The first phase is the properly shamanic Bon, often starkly depicted as a dark age. The second is a syncretistic phase when original Bon is combined with influences from the foreign lands of Kashmir, Gilgit and Zhang zhung. The third phase is the current form of Bon, when the religion becomes syncretized with Tibetan Buddhism. Western observers often regarded *this* as the worst and most sinister form of Bon, almost as if they believed in diabolic mimicry! Indeed, current Bon-pos do circumambulate in the “wrong” direction, have their sacred svastikas oriented “backwards”, and so on. Maybe this does evoke black masses, which are supposedly read backwards, und so weiter.  

The author is critical of the term “shamanism” as a universal religious category, arguing that there really is no such thing (this is the standard position in modern scholarship). It´s interesting to note how the figure of the “shaman” constantly stages a comeback in Bon studies, sometimes through the backdoor, as it were. To many early scholars, “shamanism” was a strongly negative term (see above). Mircea Eliade, by contrast, seem to have regarded shamanic experiences as truly initiatory, perhaps even as survivals of a primordial monotheism. Tantrism was shamanic, too, so I assume Eliade was generally positive towards both Tibetan Buddhism and Bon. After this comes a period in scholarship when Bon monks trained at Western universities could aid scholars in understanding the canonical Bon scriptures. By this, the shaman seems to have been finally exorcized.

Except that he wasn´t. The most recent trend (at least in 2004) was apparently that anthropologists studying Tibetan communities recreated the shaman, as it were, and even placed him in a dualistic relationship to the lama…but with the added twist, that the *shaman* was now the good guy. The shaman is the ecstatic-romantic trickster who stands for chaotic freedom as against the authoritarian order and high scriptural knowledge of the lama. Hippie era, much? Meanwhile, Bon has gained Western converts while Neo-Shamanism has become all the rage. Some Tibetan Bon teachers now call themselves “shamans” and their religion “shamanism” when speaking to Western (New Age?) audiences! (I don´t know how Bon has been received in Japan, but I can absolutely see Bon teachers there trying to sell their religion as a form of Shugendo or what have you.)

Apart from shamanism, Bjerken is also critical of terms such as “syncretism” and the attempts to explain everything in terms of “diffusion”. Thus, he takes scholars to task for suggesting that perhaps Bon was influenced by Shaivism, Manicheanism, Taoism, Nestorianism or what have you. I admit that I didn´t get this part. The existence of cultural diffusion is well established, I mean, Buddhism diffused to Tibet?! He also says that the shamanic traits of Bon can be explained by influence from Tantrism (by diffusion, perhaps), but here, I think Eliade may have been on to something: perhaps Tantrism *is* shamanic at root level, so turning the Bon shaman into an Indian siddha doesn´t really exorcize him. 

As already mentioned, the article says very little about what Bon may actually have been, except when polemicizing with Eliade. Bjerken points out that the Bon sources don´t paint the Bon religious specialists as shamans in the “standard” sense. There are no ecstatic techniques, no decentralized networks, no carnivalesque tricksters. Rather, the Bon priests serve the centralized Tibetan kingdom, aiding its imperialist rulers to defeat foreign enemies with the help of magical rituals. Yes, they wear animal skin and other “shamanistic” paraphernalia, but this is booty from the defeated barbarians, given them by the kings for services rendered. This may have nothing to do with actual history, but it certainly shows that Bon´s self-understanding (at least at one point) wasn´t shamanistic.

With that, I end my reflections on the mysteries of Bon… 

PS. I asked Copilot Designer to imagine a Tibetan shaman, and the result can be seen above. I admit that it does seem to be a fantasy character!  


Friday, January 19, 2024

On the margins

 







"A Minority Within a Minority: Being Bonpo in the Tibetan Community in Exile" is a dissertation by Yu-Shan Liu, a Taiwanese anthropologist at the University of Edinburgh, Scotland. I found it free of charge on the web at "Academia.edu". I read about half of it and skimmed the rest. The author carried out fieldwork in Dolanji, a settlement of Tibetan refugees in Himachal Pradesh, India. Dolanji is a unique settlement in that virtually all of the 2000 inhabitants are Bon-pos or Bön-pos, adherents of the non-Buddhist Bon or Bön religion, rather than Buddhists. The point of the field work was to study how this "minority within a minority" (only about 2% of the Tibetan refugees are Bon-pos) create, recreate and negotiate its identity in relation to the Tibetan Buddhist refugee majority (which is itself a small minority in India).  A funny detail is that I originally assumed Yu-Shan Liu was male, so at first I was surprised to learn that "he" spent considerable time in the kitchen with the women learning to make Tibetan food! 

The author says relatively little about the Bon religion itself, probably because that really isn´t her area of expertise. I suspect this obscure and slightly enigmatic belief-system creates problems even for Western scholars devoted to study it! The short story is that Bon resembles Tibetan Buddhism, but is nevertheless regarded as a separate religion by both adherents and outsiders. The Bon-pos themselves claim that Bon is far older than Buddhism and was practiced in Tibet long before Buddhism was introduced from India. They associate Bon with Zhangzhung, an ancient kingdom in Western Tibet of which very little is known from "real" historical sources. The Bon-pos interviewed by the author identified Zhangzhung very explicitly with a portion of Tibet, and apparently believed that the Bon "buddha" Tonpa Shenrab lived there, whereas Western scholars speculate either that Zhangzhung was far larger or that Bon originally came from elsewhere, perhaps from the Swat valley or Central Asia. To Bon-pos, by contrast, it´s very important to place the origins of Bon in Tibet itself, indeed Tibet "proper" rather than some peripheral region. This is obviously because of their Tibetan ethnicity and Tibetan nationalist discourse. 

The exact number of Bon followers is unknown, but the usual estimate is that only a few percent of the total Tibetan population are Bon-pos. When the Dalai Lama fled Tibet in 1959, the Abbot of Menri - the head of the Bon religion - soon followed suit. The Menri monastery was then refounded in India. Since Bon is outwardly similar to Tibetan Buddhism, most laypeople (at least until recently) didn´t really understand the differences between the two religions. Originally, regional identities were more important for the Bon refugees in India than their religious identity (or pan-Tibetan nationhood, for that matter). Still today, the neighborhoods in Dolanji are based on what region of Tibet the refugees originally hailed from. By contrast, the monks - both Bon and Buddhist - are very well aware of the differences. In exile, the monks had to "create" both a specific and homogenous Bon identity among the refugees, while also somehow incorporate this Bon identity into the wider Tibetan nationalist discourse. 

When the Tibetan government in exile was established by the Dalai Lama in Dharamsala in India, the Bon-pos were originally excluded from participation. Tibetan nationalism was exclusively Buddhist. In 1977, the Dalai Lama finally changed course and recognized the Bon-pos as "Insiders", granting them one seat in the Tibetan exile parliament. Tibetan Muslims and Christians are still excluded. The Bon-pos seem to have a somewhat ambivalent status within the Tibetan nation-in-exile. Traditionally, only Buddhists have been seen as "Insiders", but since 1977, Bon followers have the strange distinction of being both "Insiders" and non-Buddhists (thus, the Dalai Lama does *not* regard Bon as a form of Buddhism, as often erroneously stated in Western sources). This is reflected in Bon discourse, which simultaneously both emphasizes the special character of Bon and its role in pan-Tibetan nationalism, indeed, Bon is put forward as a kind of super-nationalism as the "original" religion of the Tibetans. 

It´s interesting to note that while the Bon identity centers on religion, it does seem to have a kind of quasi-ethnic component, since the monks are strongly emphasizing the connection between current Bon and the ancient land of Zhangzhung, which is then recast as a pre-Buddhist version of Tibet. For instance, Bon "researchers" have discovered that the Kinnaur people, who live in a different part of Himachal Pradesh, speak "the Zhangzhung language", and dancers from this ethnic group therefore participate in Dolanji festivals (interestingly, older Bon-pos in the settlement don´t get any of it and often leave during the Kinnaur dances). There does seem to be a potential tension between the Bon identity, especially in this quasi-ethnic form, and the pan-Tibetan identity. Indeed, the Chinese government seems to have spotted this, and promotes Bon at the expense of Buddhism in the Tibetan Autonomous Region (China-controlled Tibet). Zhangzhung was conquered by the Tibetan Buddhist Yarlung dynasty during the Early Middle Ages, so if Bon could be connected to a "Zhangzhung" ethnicity, this could be turned against Tibetan nationalism and split it apart. I assume that only the small size of the Bon community precludes the Chinese from playing this card even harder. 

Dolanji seem to enjoy a somewhat autonomous status within the structures of the Tibetan exile government. Ironically, the reason seems to be the earlier discrimination against the Bon. Being marginalized by the Central Tibetan Authority, the Bon-pos turned to a Catholic relief organization (sic) and with its help established Dolanji as an exclusively Bon enclave. If I understand the author correctly, the land in Dolanji is owned by the Bon-pos themselves, not by the Tibetan or Indian authorities, and the official representing the exile government is also elected locally. There seems to be a certain amount of "diplomacy" between the Dolanji leadership, including the Abbot, and the Dalai Lama in Dharamsala. The Tibetan leader visited the settlement during the author´s stay, and interestingly enough held three quite different speeches to different audiences. For some reason, his "private" speech in front of the Menri monks was the most evasive! An additional problem for the Dalai Lama is that he isn´t just the political head of the Tibetan exile administration, but also the de facto spiritual leader of a specific Buddhist sect, Geluk. Purists within Geluk might not like too many concessions to Bon. 

One issue not touched upon in the dissertation is the role of Western "converts" to Bon. How do they influence the creation and recreation of Bon identity? Some Western scholars who study Bon seem to be pro-Bon or even Bon-pos themselves. John Myrdhin Reynolds seems to have recieved "empowerments" from both Bon and the Tibetan Buddhist sect Nyingma! The question seems pertinent (but perhaps sensitive) since I get the impression that these scholars locate the origins of Bon far outside Western Tibet and hence have a potentially "anti-nationalist" take on the religion. 

With that, I end this little discussion.  

Monday, January 15, 2024

The view from Dolanji

 

Tonpa Shenrab, supposed founder
of the Bon religion

Credit: Lishu Institute

So I´ve been browsing the web after (free) information on Bon or Bön, a fairly obscure minority religion in Tibet and adjacent regions of Nepal. It´s also represented in the Tibetan diaspora. One article I found, unfortunately written in rather bad English, is titled "Contemporary Bönpo Community in Tibetan Refugee Camps" by Anna Szymoszyn, originally published in the journal Ethnologia Polona in 2017. The Polish author has carried out extensive field work in India and Nepal. 

Bon or Bön is a religion resembling the Tibetan form of Buddhism, but considered to be a heretical sect by many adherents of the latter. It´s historical development seems difficult to sort out, and the term "Bon" has been used for both the pre-Buddhist religion of Tibet and for later Buddhist-derived groups. Bon is practiced by a a small minority of Tibetans both in Chinese-controlled Tibet and by Tibetan refugees in India. It´s also practiced by small groups in Mustang and Dolpo, two areas in Nepal inhabited by ethnic groups related to, but distinct from, the Tibetans. 

The current status of Bon is complex. In Mustang and Dolpo, Bon is intertwined with two Tibetan Buddhist traditions, Sakya in Mustang and Nyingma in Dolpo. For instance, the same family may send some of its children to Buddhist monasteries, and others to Bon ditto. Bon-pos may celebrate Tibetan Buddhist holidays or worship Buddhist deities. However, it seems that the syncretism is one-sided: Bon families syncretize their minority religion with Buddhism, whereas Buddhist families usually don´t practice Bon-derived traditions. And while traditional discrimination is less strong today, the Bon are still poor and underpriviliged, being a minority within a minority (since Tibetan-related ethnic groups are in their turn underpriviliged in Nepal as a whole). 

In the Tibetan diaspora, the Dalai Lama has "promoted" Bon to the position of an officially recognized "school of Tibetan spirituality". Most Bon refugees from Tibet live in the village of Dolanji in northern India, which was built specifically for the purpose of  settling all Bon-pos in the same location, thereby making it easier to preserve their religion. To gain more traction (and more outside financial support), the local authorities in Dolanji started to recruit Bon children from Mustang and Dolpo to the schools in the village. 

The respective ethnic identities of these children are de-emphasized in favor of both a pan-Tibetan identity and a religious one as Bon-pos. To attract more donor money from the West, the children from Nepal are virtually passed off as Tibetans, even changing their names to more Tibetan-sounding ones. Bon followers in Mustang and Dolpo have no problem sending their children to India, since this gives them a chance to become educated, and also protected them from being kidnapped by the Maoist guerillas during Nepal´s civil war (the Maoists operated in Mustang and Dolpo). The author believes that many Bon-po children in Dolanji are really multi-cultural, since they are (of course) also influenced by broader cultural trends in India and globally. 

I have previously linked to documentaries about Mustang and Dolpo on YouTube, and also read about Mustang´s role in the Tibetan guerilla struggle against China, so I did find this short article somewhat interesting. More to follow about this topic next week?    

For insiders only?

 

I know, it´s the wrong Buddha, so hit me!

I recently read a somewhat obscure article on a topic I know next to nothing about, frankly mostly to kill some time. The subject under consideration is Bon or Bön, a Tibetan religion with strong similarities to Tibetan Buddhism. The article, "The Bonpo Traditions of Dzogchen" is written by Vajranatha, otherwise known as John Myrdhin Reynolds. I previously looked at some of his YouTube content and drew the conclusion that he is a Western convert to Bon and perhaps an apologist for this particular tradition. According to his website, however, Reynolds is initiated into a Tibetan Buddhist sect known as Nyingma, but he is clearly sympathetic to Bon and sees many similarities between the two groups. Since his article ends rather abruptly, I assume it could be the introduction to a book. Perhaps Vajranatha is an apologist for the Bon tradition, trying to pass off its legends as real history, or perhaps previous scholars of related topics were apologists for Tibetan Buddhism! Sorting *that* out presumably takes quite some time and reading...

Some Tibetan legends suggest that Buddhism didn´t come to the land of snow from India, but rather from Uddiyana, a mysterious land northwest of India. Most scholars identify it with the Swat valley in modern Pakistan. Reynolds believes that Uddiyana is a much broader region, encompassing Afghanistan. Bon also claims a non-Indian origin. Originally from "Tazik" in Central Asia, it later entered Uddiyana and Zhang-zhung. Reynolds believes that this could be based on real history. He identifies Zhang-zhung with an ancient kingdom in  western Tibet later conquered by the expanding Tibetan Empire. In Bon legends, the real buddha Tonpa Shenrab appeared in Central Asia 18,000 years ago and his message subsequently spread to Zhang-zhung, which plays an important part in the religion´s mythology. 

While Reynolds doesn´t take this absolutely at face value, he does believe that both Bon and early forms of Tibetan Buddhism (read: Nyingma) could have a Central Asian origin. Buddhism did spread to those regions. Reynolds holds that Buddhism must have syncretized heavily with other traditions, including Shaivism, Manicheanism and native shamanism, in these regions. It was "Tantric" and to a large extent non-monastic. Perhaps this process was somehow connected to the emergence of Mahayana at large. This "Central Asian" form of Buddhism then entered Tibet in the form of Nyingma and Bon. Note that Shiva´s holy mountain Kailash is situated in the territory of the former Zhang-zhung! That the esoteric aspects of Tibetan Buddhism, known as Vajrayana, are heavily indebted to Tantric Shaivism is current scholarly orthodoxy. 

The term "Bon" is somewhat confusing, having two or even three distinct meanings. It usually refers to Yungdrung Bon, the independent but Buddhist-looking Tibetan religion extolling Tonpa Shenrab as their chief revelator. However, it can also refer to the pre-Buddhist shamanistic religion of Tibet, which is demonized by Tibetan Buddhists but regarded as legitimate by Yungdrung Bon. Finally, there is something called New Bon, which seems to be a syncretic blend of Yungdrung Bon and Nyingma. For instance, New Bon venerates Padmasambhava, who is held in high regard by all Tibetan Buddhists and considered to be the founding master of the Nyingma sect. If I understand Reynolds correctly, both Yungdrung Bon and New Bon exist today.  

The author makes a valiant attempt to sort out the various "transmissions" and scriptures associated with Bon (presumably the Yungdrung version). One striking feature is that Bon regards shamanic practices as perfectly valid, albeit "exoteric". The shamanism is strongly dualist, with a sharp dichotomy between good and evil spirits, which I suppose raises questions about Zoroastrian or Manichean influences. The similarities between Bon and Nyingma are obvious. At their esoteric core, both traditions practice the mystical technique known as Dzogchen or the Great Perfection. Both also believe in "termas", hidden "treasure texts" which can be discovered by spiritual masters and in effect constitute a kind of new divine revelations. More direct means of communications such as visions are also accepted. The closeness of the two traditions is further shown by the fact that some masters "discovered" both Bon and Nyingma termas! The shamanic substratum to these traditions is interesting, since Hindu Tantrism for all we know might have a similar one. 

Bon practitioners have evidently been persecuted at various points in Tibetan history, but the current Dalai Lama has recognized Bon as a Tibetan religious school. According to Reynolds, this doesn´t mean that the Dalai Lama regards the Bon-pos as Buddhists, rather he sees them as "Insiders" (apparently a somewhat broader term) as opposed to "Outsiders" (all other religions). However, the article doesn´t really say that much about the current status of Bon. 

Still, perhaps a good introduction (albeit very in-house) to the scholarship of Vajranatha.  


Tuesday, November 16, 2021

Tibetan remnant


"Bön in Dolpo" is a 2014 documentary about Dolpo, an area in northern Nepal, apparently part of a larger district somewhat confusingly called Dolpa. Due to its remoteness and traditional Tibetan culture, Dolpo (or was it Dolpa) has apparently become popular among Western film-makers and trekkers who want to visit an area that is still reminescent of ancient Tibet. It´s not clear why they don´t simply visit Bhutan! 

The language spoken in Dolpo, Thakali, is related to Tibetan. What really interests foreign visitors seems to be the religion, known as Bon or Bön. The term can refer to two very different things: the pre-Buddhist shamanic religion of Tibet (which may or may not be extinct - I honestly don´t know), and a much later breakaway group from Tibetan Buddhism. That tradition still exists in Dolpo. The problem is that the Buddhist off-shoot claims to be the original Bon (and hence much older than Buddhism), while nevertheless being obviously Vajrayana Buddhist in nature. The monks, the iconography, the philosophy, the Tantric and Dzogchen practice - it´s all the same. In Dolpo, Bonpos and Vajrayana Buddhists even worship together! 

The documentary is pro-Bon and therefore uncritically repeats the Bon mythology, according to which Bon is the most ancient religion in the world, and was the state religion of a pre-Tibetan empire called Zhangzhung (of which very little is really known). It also claims that the ethnic groups in Dolpo are the last survivors of Zhangzhung and that some still speak the Zhangzhung language. 

It seems Dolpo *is* important within today´s Bonpo community, since the religion can still be practiced freely there, in contrast to Chinese-controlled Tibet. All current "teaching texts" are said to come from Dolpo. I noticed that many Bon monks in this isolated region can speak tolerable English, suggesting of course that they were educated elsewhere, presumably in Kathmandu or even India (this is implied at one point in the documentary). The Dalai Lama has an ecumenical approach towards Bon, and is featured several times in this production as he makes Bon-friendly statements. 

Most of "Bön in Dolpo" is ethnography 101. We get to see Himalayan vistas, poor villages, Bon rituals, monks building a stupa, and so on. It´s not always that interesting, unless you are a hardline Tibetophile. The documentary claims that both the monks and the foreign doctors in the area are combining modern medicine with Ayurveda and traditional Tibetan medicine. There is also a school, but it´s unclear to me whether it teaches "real" subjects, or simply Bon religion and Ayurveda. Bizarrely, the school (named after the Bon master Tapriza) was set up with the aid of two Western women, an anthropologist and an conservationist! Another smaller school, started by a monk, also seems exclusively Bon-oriented.

"Bön in Dolpo" ends with expressing fear of Chinese influence in the region, since China wants to build a modern highway through the area. The government of Nepal has good relations with China, which is something of a problem for anti-Chinese Tibetans in Dolpo. 

There, the story ends. For now?